The Mediterranean: Both a graveyard and a bottomless money pit due to EU border policies
Lisa Lock
scientific editor
Andrew Zinin
lead editor
Over the last decade, European governments have invested heavily to militarize their sea borders and outsource control responsibilities to partners in Africa and the Middle East.
But despite exponentially growing border budgets, people continue to take to the sea to reach EU territory, . It's time to admit that this repressive strategy has failed and to ask what should come next.
In late 2013, shortly after , the Italian government deployed in the central Mediterranean. More than 150,000 people were rescued in the following 12 months.
But with a monthly cost of 9 million euros, the operation was deemed .
A year later, in November 2015, (the EU's Border and Coast Guard) deployed to replace Mare Nostrum. The shift in names reflected a parallel shift in logic. Mare Nostrum ("our sea" in Latin, a nod to its role in sustaining life and bringing people together) was designed as a search-and-rescue mission. Meanwhile, Operation Triton (named after the mighty Greek god) focused on dismantling smuggling networks.
Turning point
The operation marked a turning point in the EU's approach to migration control at sea. . At the same time, European governments and accelerated the to countries of departure.
In the central Mediterranean, Italy transferred 270 million euros to Libya's ruling elites by 2021, mainly to bolster the country's capacity to intercept migrant boats—often detected by Frontex drones surveilling .
Meanwhile, the EU allocated euros from its (also created in 2015) to bolster migration and border control efforts by the Libyan government.
To this day, those "rescued" by Libyan forces are put in where and .
Leaving migrants adrift
To the east, the EU agreed to pay Turkey nine billion euros between and to prevent people from Syria, Afghanistan and other war-torn countries from crossing into Greece in search of safety.
Boats crowded with entire families were—and are, to this day—pushed back to Turkey or left adrift .
The same tactics soon spread westward. In 2019, , plus additional funds for training and assets. Much of these transfers were, again, earmarked to develop the country's capacity to patrol the seas and intercept migrant boats. More recently, the EU and Spain reached .
Drastic cuts to public spending have become mainstream in the EU, yet governments do not hesitate to foot hefty bills for border enforcement. Frontex's projected budget for the 2021–2027 period is euros. Additionally, is allocated to contracts with .
The European Commission for a total investment of 81 billion euros.
Deaths at sea on the rise
All evidence suggests that these investments over the course of the last decade have failed to result in a safer sea or a more secure border.
The main objective of post-2015 maritime border policy was to dismantle criminal networks and prevent drownings. Instead, , who have seen their profits soar as they exploit the lives of people on the move. .
The EU's efforts to manage maritime migration also sought to stop illegal border crossings. Yet safe and legal pathways to the EU remain extremely scarce. People fleeing persecution who have the right to seek international protection and workers responding to the labor demands of an aging Europe .
Deaths at sea, violence against migrants and government investment are increasing simultaneously along the EU's external maritime border. Over the last decade, the Mediterranean has become not only a graveyard, but also a bottomless money pit.
Looking ahead
What are the options? The most obvious is to create a functioning system for the selection and recruitment of workers and refugees at origin.
There is also room for more ambitious programs: found that most people in the EU would favor for people without status already in the territory.
designed to improve co-operation on global migration issues offers an even more daring road map for a strategy that taps into the potential of government-managed mobility.
There are many possibilities. Whatever the choice, one thing is clear: militarization and delegation of border control are not only expensive but also ineffective.
Provided by The Conversation
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